Uncommon Grounds by Mark Pendergrast,
1999, Excerpts
The coffee economy of Guatemala, as well as that of nearby
El Salvador, Mexico, and Nicaragua, relied on the forced labor and misery of
the indigenous population. With this unhappy foundation a future of inequity
and violence was all but assured. The history of Guatemala exemplifies that of
the entire region.
The new crop spelled disaster for the indigenous people
while it enriched the rising coffee oligarchy. Coffee in Guatemala brought a
reliance on a fickle foreign market, the rise of coercive police state, gross
social and economic inequality, and the virtual enslavement of the indigenous
peoples.
“The strategies of government in Guatemala,” writes one
Latin historian, “can be briefly summarized as: censorship of the press, exile
and prison for the opposition, extensive police control, a reduced and servile
state bureaucracy, matters of finance and the treasury in the hands of
interrelated members of the large coffee-growing families, and benevolent
treatment of foreign companies.”
The Mayans had little sense of private property, preferring
instead to share their agricultural space with one another, but they resented
being displaced from their traditional lands. Living in self-sufficient
villages, most Mayans were loath to work other than briefly for a little money.
The Liberal government solved the problem through forced labor and debt
peonage. Through a series of laws and outright force, the Barrios government
began to take prime coffee lands away from the Indians. For an Indian the only
alternative to being dragged off to work on a farm, or to the army or gang
labor on a road, or the go into debt to a coffee farmer was flight.
In El Salvador, the disenfranchisement of the Indians was
even more violent. While in Guatemala the Mayans lived primarily above the
coffee regions, in El Salvador the majority lived in areas suitable for coffee
growing. In Nicaragua, coffee cultivation began early, but it did not dominate
the economy as in Guatemala and El Salvador, and the Indian resistance in
Nicaragua was not so easily broken.
Central America’s stability, important to North American
businessmen, was guaranteed by the “dollar diplomacy” that sent US Marines into
Haiti and Nicaragua to protect American interest. Retired General Smedley
Butler admitted that he had spent the past three decades as a “muscleman for
big business” while serving as a US Marine. “I helped in the rape of a dozen
Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street.” Although few US
businesses owned coffee plantations, many American banks provided credit for
the coffee industry.
The US support of the Latin American status quo did provide
a beneficial business environment, particularly for coffee farmers. The famous
“fourteen families” of El Salvador, along with growers in Guatemala and Costa
Rica, thrived during the twenties.
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